The Italian foreign policy. European Union, United States, Russia and Turkey.
E' del 1993 , poco dopo la caduta del regime comunista sovietico, quando il nostro paese stava convulsamente passando alla cosiddetta Seconda repubblica, la Guida alla politica estera italiana di Sergio Romano. L' ex ambasciatore in URSS con quest' opera delineò il percorso della politica estera dell' Italia nel m ezzo secolo che va dalla caduta of fascism at the end of 'the Soviet Union.
L 'Italy was a defeated country, placed in' area of \u200b\u200bwestern influence and faces serious political, economic and social. ally of the United States had at home, his legacy of unusual strength, a strong and influential Communist Party, during these long decades, directed and financed by the Soviets.
's another landmark of Italian foreign policy was the European Community, led by the' axis "Carolingian" French - German . L 'agreement between France and West Germany, writes on the same Romano Panora but of November 18, 2010, "was built on a strong mutual advantage and the sharing of certain ideals. Germany had the strongest economic partner, but he had to atone for the sins of the Third Reich, was divided, did not have the military strength of France. France was economically weak, but could rely on in the association, its title winner and nuclear power. Together, the two countries had the necessary weight to secure 's approval of their line. Even those to whom the' axis does not would like to acknowledge that gave a contribution to the progress of European integration .
Italian foreign policy in this period was the result of these conditions: ambiguous, unrealistic, while wavering and permanently enshrined in a narrow space of oscillation. With a 'vigorous expression Sergio Romano, in' work cited (page 11) speaks of "microgollismo" of our diplomacy.
Dall 'beginning of the nineties to now many things have changed. 's Soviet Union there' is. Globalization has given rise to new ones while Western powers are relatively weakened, in particular the United States, weakened by the economic crisis not only determined by 'excessive consumer debt, but also from the' erosion of traditional cultural and moral foundations of their political and social structure.
the European Union itself l' asse franco - tedesco ha mutato profondamente natura, perdendo la connotazione ideale e strategica che lo caratterizzava, come fa notare il professor Romano nel suo scritto su Panorama.
Un dato appare particolarmente importante nell' Italia degli ultimi venti anni: la nascita di un tendenziale bipolarismo, l' alternanza tra governi di centrodestra e di centrosinistra. In politica estera, mentre i governi di centrosinistra hanno tentato di riprendere l' impostazione tradizionale dei primi decenni repubblicani, pur essendone venuti meno i presupposti, i governi di centrodestra hanno provato ad approfittare dei nuovi spazi e delle mutate opportunità, con alterni risultati.
Tra i loro successi should be reported to the significant contribution rapprochement between Russia and the Atlantic Alliance and the so-called commercial diplomacy, particularly very active in 'Eastern Europe, the Balkans, North Africa and the Near East. Recently
Foreign Minister Franco Frattini stated in an interview to 'Western the broad outlines of the current Italian foreign policy.
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According to Frattini "rather than in terms of" bastion ", as we have done for decades, we should ... soon get used - and a bit 'all - to think in terms of NATO as a security strategy can hinge between East and West. And in Moscow this design is called upon to do its part but not in opposition together with the 'North Atlantic Alliance. "
On Turkey said:" In Turkey should not apply a strategy of "containment", as opposed to Ankara to play a full part of the Western system through its participation in 'European Union that' Italy's active support. "
Italian diplomacy led by Frattini also follows the lines now with Turkey's traditional foreign policy of the United States. But here is manifested un problema di ordine generale. L' attrazione nel sistema occidentale di paesi come la Russia e la stessa Turchia, alle prese con eredità storico-culturali che ne frenano il passaggio alla libera democrazia, deve avvenire con una costante realistica attenzione ai risultati via via ottenuti e adottando le necessarie cautele. Doppiezze e riserve mentali devono trovare una ferma opposizione.
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