Di Antonella Randazzo
Negli ultimi anni, sull'onda dell'informazione-spettacolo, si è tentato di svilire lo stesso giornalismo, organizzando momenti di litigio e beghe di vario genere, in cui i personaggi appaiono in preda all'ira o presi dal più vanaglorioso egocentrismo. Racconta il giornalista e scrittore Paolo Murialdi: "(Negli anni Novanta) In un giornalismo già contrassegnato dal nervosismo, gli scontri... assumono un linguaggio e toni esasperati. Un campionario di vocianti che sbraitano dai teleschermi o sulle pagine dei giornali, come fanno Vittorio Sgarbi e Giuliano Ferrara, non si era ancora visto nel giornalismo italiano... In sostanza, sta crescendo la politicizzazione partigiana del giornalismo stampato e televisivo che è diventato più nevrotico, con eccessi di sensazionalismo e di fracasso".(8)
This type of journalism, unfortunately, it was claimed the system because it is convenient to give space to those who are not interested in good information, but to show off, to appear frequently in the mass media, to gain credibility on the basis of familiarity.
should also remember that there are fewer and fewer journalists who go on "field" or commenting on their own news. Today, news is provided by accredited agencies, and journalists often do not check sources and do not call into question even when they appear illogical or dissonant. Journalists of the scheme are concerned, as well as to gain even the best appearance, the "winners" of quarrels media that they themselves trigger. The quarrels are fueled by the creation of a "center-right" and a "center-left", always ensure that new opportunities for confrontation, so that the real interests of Italians fall into oblivion. These agitators journalists become partisan, arrogant and aggressive, as if you were about to fight against each other and not rely on knowledge and facts. The law of the strongest even to the media, and who flaunts conceit, selfishness, cynicism, indifference to the absolute criteria for correct information, it becomes media star, promoted and disseminated as a functional system, and therefore "right." On the contrary, those who did not self-centered ambitions, and lives up to the old values \u200b\u200bof the information, is not adapted to the new current is therefore likely to reach a low, or change jobs.
In a context in which politics and journalism are customized, media stimulate the emotional elements, so that the motion is based on characters of their media image, and not on facts or actual skills. In other words, if a politician does not keep its promises or is put under investigation, or a journalist of the regime does not tell the whole truth, or avoids hot topics within the emotional climate of these individuals will not lose their role, and for their benefit there may be new ideas or other "promotions" media. Today also
roles tend to be confused, and a journalist can be, directly or indirectly, a political promoter. Paul and Nicola Tranfaglia Murialdi observed: "(The journalistic profession in Italy) has been heavily - and even accepted, due to its proximity to the policy - a practice subdivisions, or membership, by the parties, especially government, which has replaced on the merits of their loyalty to political contacts with disastrous results. "(9)
E 'became normal for a journalist to have a party card, as a servant of a particular political faction. Those who refuse to adhere to a specific policy area no longer have place in the landscape mediatico ufficiale. Anche Travaglio, che è conosciuto come colui che denuncia le magagne politiche, durante l'ultima campagna politica, si è affrettato a precisare che avrebbe votato per "l’Italia dei Valori", gruppo che poi sarebbe stato inglobato nel Partito Democratico.
Certo, un giornalista può anche avere le sue opinioni politiche, ma, quale personaggio mediatico, egli non dovrebbe diventare un'esca per influenzare politicamente i suoi "fans". Se lo diventa è legittimo pensare che egli non sia così "neutrale" come vorrebbe far credere.
Il sistema attuale ha interesse a che le persone non riconoscano ciò che è a loro favore e ciò che non lo è.
Il problema più serious problem is that people become accustomed to the climate of political utterances, fight, abuse of power and cynicism that is sweeping the world media and political, for good and take everything that happens, impairment severity and the damage caused.
This is accepted to inform the reporter that half or mystifies, and the political campaign that creates attraction and promised everything to everyone, without feeling compelled to explain specifically what he will do and how.
In the nineties there was still someone who through the official media denounced such impairment. For example, he wrote in the Corriere della Sera on November 29, 1994, Franco Fortini: "those who pretend not to see the well-cultivated degradation of quality of information ... nella stampa e sul video, è complice di quelli che lo sanno, gemono e vi si lasciano dirigere… Come lo fu nel 1922 e nel 1925. Non fascismo. Ma oscura voglia, e disperata, di dimissione e servitù; che è cosa diversa. Sono vecchio abbastanza per ricordare come tanti padri scendevano a patti, allora, in attesa che fossero tutti i padri a ingannare tutti i figli. Cerchiamo almeno di diminuire la quota degli ingannati. Ripuliamo la sintassi e le meningi”.
Oggi purtroppo tale degrado non è raccontato quasi mai dai canali ufficiali, se non in modo generico e retorico, senza mai andare a vedere quanto sia grave tale situazione per la democrazia, e quali siano le origini. Nei canali ufficiali di solito vengono assunti i giornalisti meno critical and more willing to obey the "boss" who pretend to denounce the disinformation, but in fact advocate.
In some cases, journalists are racing to protect the system, even at the cost of losing all dignity of work and put against each other. For example, a group of journalists working for newspapers such as "Il Foglio", "Il Giornale" and "La Repubblica" has been enabled to defend one of many politicians in the odor of the mafia, against their colleague Marco Travaglio.
latter, during the broadcast "Che tempo che fa" Schifani said he "was a friend of the mafia," raising a hornet's nest. Since now no journalist raises these questions, it seemed almost "normal" without questioning if Travaglio rail against what he was saying was true.
The assertion was true. Renato Schifani, now become President of the Senate in the past would take care of the urban plan of the town of Villabate (until the second half of the 90s), a project which saw him active in supporting Mandalà Nino. The repentant Frank Campanella, right arm and Mandalà Provenzano, then president of the municipal council of Villabate claims, supported by a number of interceptions, that "The 4 variants on the plan ... they were all agreed with Schifani. In simple terms, Mandala Schifani had an agreement with The Lodge and to implement a specific development plan that would have penalized the interests of the attacking mob family.
Schifani Mafia has always had members: In 1979 he began to be part of an insurance brokerage firm with characters (Mandalà Nino and Benny D'Agostino), which in 1990 will be charged with criminal association or collusion with the Mafia. Later, he founded a company together with Anthony Garofalo, who will be indicted in 1997 for usury and extortion. Schifani, in addition to associate "accidentally" with the mafia, has also shown to be at their side and not to take very seriously the need to remove them from politica. Ad esempio, auspicava che Totò Cuffaro restasse al suo posto anche se condannato per mafia. Inoltre, ha cercato di proteggere gli interessi dei mafiosi presentando nel 2005 il progetto di legge numero 600, allo scopo di modificare la legge sulle confische e sui sequestri. Schifani è tanto generoso con i mafiosi quanto poco lo è con coloro che sinceramente combattono la mafia. Ad esempio, non perde occasione per tentare di screditare persone come Maria Falcone e Rita Borsellino, accusandole di fare “uso politico del loro cognome”.
Insomma, in linea con la sua affiliazione partitica, e fedele alle sue ambizioni, Schifani è interessato a non contrariare gli “amici”, e per questo la sua carriera politica si is made quite brilliant.
The only people not understanding the past does not seem to be clean of Schifani journalists who raged against Labor, showing a zeal least suspicion in order to make it clear that he had been a friend of mobsters would not mean anything, accusing Labor of the same have had friendships like that. For this purpose it was created a kind of gossip about Travaglio.
As good servants of power, in order to defend the character of a regime become "important" were intended to make it appear as one who intratterrebbe Labor relations with mobsters, downplaying the significance of relations with the mafia of the current President of the Senate. It 'turned out that Labor had spent a holiday the villa of Pippo Ciuri sentenced later conspiring with the Mafia (specifically the mafia clan Michele Aiello). He would spend holidays as a guest in his residence, and for this he was accused by the journalist of "La Repubblica" Giuseppe D'Avanzo to have friends not so clean. To protect themselves, Labor took out the checks with which he would have paid vacation, arguing that it was not a guest of the mafia. At this point the journalist Filippo Facci said Labor had shown that only the receipts issued in 2002 and not those of holidays taken in 2003. Accordingly, he hastened to point out that Labor would show also received in 2003. Many have realized
that Labor is not as objective as one would like to believe (in this regard see: http://antonellarandazzo.blogspot.com/2008/07/castronerie-varie.html), but this does not mean that we must strike in order to defend a smell of political mafia.
The point is: servants of the journalists wanted to be able to equate Labor and Schifani, trying to hide that Schifani has great powers and political responsibility, while Labor is only a journalist. There is also evidence of links between the mafia and some Schifani, while it does not exist with regard to Labor and the alleged "friends" from his colleagues reported.
Everyone knows that politicians today are not there to defend the interests of the people, whose function is to protect the system, and therefore that is part of the mafia. Consequently, Schifani, having established relations with the mafia, do what you have done before him Andreotti, Ciancimino and many others. Under the current system is a "duty" of politicians who are higher up to protect the mafia, and thus come into contact with. Politics and the Mafia go hand in hand, and witness the numerous cases of "friendship" between the politicians of the past and current, and the characters that sooner or later come under investigation for mafia. It would be the duty of all journalists not to hide the tragic reality, but many of those who are "career" and who attend programs televisivi lo fanno.
Nel contesto attuale persino la manipolazione dell'informazione può essere spacciata come "normale". Lo scrittore Bruno Ballardini osserva che addirittura nei settori specifici possono essere utilizzati termini come "disinformazione costruttiva" per indicare i metodi di manipolazione delle informazioni. Un manuale statunitense che tratta tali metodi prende il titolo: "Come manipolare i mass media: metodi di guerriglia per far passare le vostre informazioni alla TV, alla Radio, nei giornali",(10) facendo credere che l'informazione richieda, più che abilità giornalistiche, capacità aggressive e manipolatorie.
Come osserva lo studioso Luciano Canfora, c'è il pericolo di "una wide, comprehensive and effective mass miseducation, made possible in so-called advanced or complex by the power, now unlimited, means of communication and manipulation of minds. "(11)
To determine the context of a civilization which would create a true democracy should do the opposite of what makes the current system. That should restore the political seriousness that should have, without spectacles, exhibitions and personal attacks. We should discuss the real problems of people: jobs, economic growth, financial sovereignty, and so on. We should ask the right priorities, and assign responsibility to those who occupy institutional positions. Bisognerebbe valutare attentamente e obiettivamente le notizie che ci vengono date, senza appioppare etichette o limitarsi a stabilire chi è “anti” e chi è “pro”. Andrebbero valutati i contenuti senza stabilire fazioni.
In una società realmente democratica non c'è bisogno di creare un clima di diffidenza, divisioni e beghe.
Creare un clima gravemente involuto si rende necessario nei sistemi in cui non c’è libertà e gli individui vengono mentalmente modellati secondo schemi provenienti dall’alto.
Per difendersi da tutta questa spazzatura mediatica e politica occorre cercare di capire le varie strategie di diseducazione che ogni giorno subiamo. Non c’è nessuna vera civiltà which may be based on a policy-show or manipulated information and designed to make passive and submissive to power.
One way to defend themselves is to fully understand what is happening without feeling on top of all this, and get used to doing things "healthy", how to read good books, use independent information sources, having a rich social life and practice constructive activities . The civil
involution is the death of a human future worth living.
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NOTE
1) Pratkanis Anthony R., Aronson Elliot, “L’età della propaganda”, Il Mulino, Bologna 2003, p. 112.
2) Forrester Viviane, “L’orrore economico”, Edizioni Ponte alle Grazie, Firenze 1997, p. 84.
3) Morresi Enrico, "Etica della notizia", Edizioni Casagrande, Bellinzona 2003, p. 149.
4) Morresi Enrico, op. cit.,, pp. 154-155.
5) Cit. Morresi Enrico, "Etica della notizia", Edizioni Casagrande, Bellinzona 2003, p. 182.
6) Pratkanis Anthony R., Aronson Elliot, “L’età della propaganda”, Il Mulino, Bologna 2003, p. 302.
7) Forrester Viviane, "L'orrore economico", Edizioni Ponte alle Grazie, Firenze 1997, pp. 51-52.
8) Murialdi Paolo, "La stampa italiana dalla liberazione alla crisi di fine secolo", Laterza, Bari 2003, pp. 265-276.
9) Murialdi Paolo, Tranfaglia Nicola (a cura di), "La stampa italiana nell'età della TV, 1975-1994", Laterza, Roma-Bari 1994, p. 54.
10) Alexander D., "How You Can Manipulate the Media: Guerrilla Methods to Get Your Story Covered by TV, Radio and Newspapers, "Paladin Press, Boulder, Colorado 1993, cit. Ballardini B," Handbook of disinformation. The media as a weapon improperly: methods, techniques, tools for the destruction of reality "Castelvecchi, Rome 1995.
11) Luciano Canfora, "Critique of democratic rhetoric", Laterza, Roma-Bari 2002, p. 68.
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